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It would be hard to overestimate the gravity of the crisis facing the
labor movement, both from within and from without. Our readers know
that. Three questions in particular demand creative, out-of-the-box
answers. What is the future of trade unionism as an organizational form?
How should the labor movement, whatever its form, confront the new
configuration of power in the world—that is, how shall it deal with the
advent of an aggressive, imperial form of globalization? How might
organized labor and the progressive movement more generally win back
constituents from the ranks of conservative populism and the religious
right? These are hardly the only questions that need to be tackled, but
they are vital and interconnected ones. A good number of the articles in
this issue take up aspects of these challenges. We hope they provoke an
ongoing conversation about these matters.
Jonathan Tasini reports from the floor of the AFL convention held this
July. In Tasini’s view that historic meeting xxxxxx. Our winter issue
will include responses to Tasini’s assessment.
While the dust has yet to settle and the future shape of the national
labor movement remains unclear, the prolonged withering away of labor
unions as we have known them is more than alarming. It is occasion for
thinking the unthinkable: that something other than conventional trade
unionism must supplant or supplement what we have up to now taken for
granted. Does the nature of both the 21st century domestic economy and
the international one to which it is now intricately tethered
marginalize the normal workplace-based forms of collective bargaining?
Simon Black and Dorian Warren would not go so far as to argue that. But
they raise for our consideration the phenomenon of community-based
unionization. Black examines community unionism in general, argues that
under certain circumstances it is a more efficacious way of mobilizing
today’s working class, and suggests how community unions and workplace
unions might collaborate. Warren describes the way community
organization has been critical in the campaign to confront Wal-Mart in
Chicago. The Chicago story is an object lesson in the way community
mobilization and political alliance building hold out the hope of taking
on this immensely powerful corporation from the outside rather than
relying on organizing from within. A more customary but no less critical
story is unfolding in Florida, where SEIU is trying to organize
condominium workers. Bruce Nissen describes that campaign, a pioneering
attempt to penetrate the economy of the Sunbelt, including its efforts
to enlist community support, and explores its implications for
unionizing Florida and the South.
Churches and other religious institutions are part of the community, and
carry increasing moral and even political authority, including in many
working-class urban, suburban, and exurban locales. Much, although by no
means all of that authority has gravitated to the right, and with rather
devastating political consequences. Peter Laarman and Alexia Salvatierra
explore the nature of faith-based politics and how those spiritual
resources might be marshaled instead on behalf of the movements for
social justice, including the labor movement. Tanya Erzen describes the
way right-wing evangelicals in Ohio and elsewhere mobilized their
congregants for the 2004 presidential election. Part of the secret of
their success, Erzen observes, has to do with the way these churches
have become substitute mini-welfare states, ministering to the material
needs of their members, while the conservatives they support for public
office whittle away at what remains of the public safety net. If the
labor movement is to be reborn, it does seem essential that in one way
or another it speak to those intangible as well as material desires and
anxieties of the born-again, many of whom come from the ranks of
working-class Americans.
Many commentators have noted the incongruous alliance between the
corporate elite and, especially, although not exclusively, white
working-class people—an odd mating which defines the conservative
populism of the Republican Party. What makes this chemistry work even
though in practical terms there have been precious few payoffs for
ordinary folk and bundles of goodies for big business and the rich? Part
of the answer is sure to lie in the realm of foreign policy. People
who’ve lived through a prolonged period of economic and cultural
dislocation, who feel dispossessed and disrespected, may find
compensation in a bellicose chauvinism. It is not war so much as the
reaffirmation—whether at home or abroad—of a nationalism heavily
inflected with historic patriarchal, religious, and racial instincts,
that keeps them bonded to an elite that means them no good. For the
labor movement this means that becoming part of the antiwar movement is
as much a matter of domestic policy as it is one about the country’s
foreign affairs. In this issue Michael Zweig provides an account of the
very significant growth of antiwar activity within the labor movement,
and analyzes where that sentiment has taken root and why. Iraq is hardly
the only global hot-spot posing serious questions for labor. A debate
between Lee Sustar and Stan Gacek over the nature of the AFL’s
activities in Venezuela before and after the attempted coup against Hugo
Chávez helps sharpen our thinking about what role organized labor ought
to be playing abroad, especially in regions like Latin America, where
opposition to U.S. power and policy has taken on robust form.
The conservative assault on the New Deal may have crossed a bridge too
far in its attempt to privatize social security. As we go to press the
issue remains unresolved. Part of what’s at stake is the desire of
leading financial institutions to profit from such a transformation.
Joel Solomon explains what Wall Street may have in mind. Chile
privatized its retirement system some years ago, and Ruth Needleman
reports on how that country’s pensioners have fared. No matter who wins
the debate here in the United States, union pension and benefit funds
(especially health care funds) will remain in deep financial trouble.
Christian Weller analyzes the origins of that crisis and examines
possible legislative remedies.
Two new features introduced in the last issue of New Labor Forum
continue here. In this installment of Working-Class Voices of
Contemporary America, Amber Hollibaugh writes about her life as a
lesbian of working-class background. She recounts how her experiences at
and away from work were deeply marked by the phobic reactions to her
erotic desires by her family as well as her fellow workers and
employers. Kim Phillips-Fein’s column, Caught in the Web, alerts our
readers to valuable nuggets of information and analysis available on the
internet about matters ranging from the Federal Reserve Board to the
international garment industry, written by experts but designed for the
lay reader.
Boxing and football have long been arenas in which working-class men
found pathways to upward mobility, indulged their fantasy lives, and
were systematically exploited. Our contributing editor Kitty Krupat
reviews Million Dollar Baby to see what it tells us and fails to tell us
about these matters. She explores how all this gets treated from the
standpoint of a woman boxer, and dissects the film’s underlying
assumptions about race, class, sexuality, and gender. Women and children
are also the subject of a review of two important documentaries. Malini
Cadambi dissects the Oscar-winning Born Into Brothels, noting its visual
power but finding it politically wanting when compared to the more
didactic but more penetrating examination of child labor in Stolen
Childhoods. Also included in our Books and the Arts section is a review
by Peter Goldberger of The Right Nation, an attempt by two British
authors to account for the remarkable success of conservative politics
in America, and a review by Marilyn Harris of Susan Gorden’s Nursing
Against the Odds, a thought-provoking look at the attempt to unionize
this vital sector of the health care industry. We conclude as we always
do with a selection of poetry, this time a sampling of poetry from
abroad about working-class life, assembled by our guest editor Padraig
O’Donoghue.
Finally, New Labor Forum takes this opportunity to express our great
sadness at the sudden passing of Miguel Contreras, the indefatigable
leader of the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, which by any
measure has been one of the most dynamic sectors of the labor movement
for at least the last decade, winning major political as well as
organizing victories.
Editors’ Note: The current issue of
New Politics contains a
provocative article by Steve Steinberg on the troubled relationship
between the new immigrants and the African American community. Various
responses, along with a reply from Steve Steinberg, will follow in the
journal’s subsequent issue. New Labor Forum will publish this same
article along with a different set of responses (and Steinberg’s reply)
in our January 2006 issue. We invite our readers to follow the debate in
both journals.
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